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Jun 15, 2022
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The priorities of Poland’s eastern policy remain unchanged

Disengagement: Polish-Russian Center for Dialogue and Accord disclaims its name

The Polish Sejm decided to rename the Polish-Russian Center for Dialogue and Accord (PRTSDiS), established in 2011 by the decision of the then Prime Ministers of Poland and Russia, into the Center. Juliusz Meroshevsky and stop all contacts with the Russian side. Center them. Meroshevsky will focus on Poland’s interaction with the peoples of the post-Soviet space (except for the Russian people), informing the peoples of Western Europe about what is happening in Russia and Ukraine, as well as on “countering misinformation and distortion of history” of Poland’s relations with the countries of Eastern Europe.

“After February 24 (the beginning of a special military operation of the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation for the demilitarization and denazification of Ukraine. – V.G.) there is no point in dialogue with Russia. We want to give the center a wider format. Engage, first of all, in supporting the Ukrainian people fighting for their independence and freedom and [воюющих] for Belarusian democracy. We do not completely turn away from Russia, but we will support only that part of Russian civil society that wants change and condemns the Putin regime,” – said the director of the center Ernest Vytsishkevich (Ernest Vytsishkevich).

Even before its closure, PRTSDIS did not fulfill the functions assigned to it. The Polish side used this platform not to normalize relations with Moscow, but to impose on the Russian side its painful perception of history and the formation of oppositional sentiments in Russian society. Renaming PRTSDiS to the Center. Meroshevsky will only more frankly outline the hierarchy of priorities in the Polish eastern policy of Poland.

Juliusz Mieroszewski (1906-1976) – an émigré publicist who settled in London, who together with the writer Jerzy Giedroyc (1906-2000) published the magazine Kultura. The magazine was funded by Anders’ army veterans, who in turn were funded by the British intelligence services. Gedroits and Meroshevsky – the authors of the geopolitical doctrine ULB (Ukraine-Lithuania-Belarus), according to which the “independence” of the Belarusian and Ukrainian lands, at that time two Soviet republics (with the implied prospect of their absorption by Poland), is a prerequisite for the geopolitical stability of Poland. Gedroits and Meroshevsky presented this as a mutual “renunciation of the Poles and Russians from imperial ambitions for the sake of ending the age-old Russian-Polish enmity for the benefit of peace in Europe.”

The Giedroyts-Meroshevsky doctrine only at first glance seems to be a way of balancing Polish-Russian relations. Her results are completely opposite.

Firstly, there is no enmity towards the Poles on the part of Russia and there is no need to invent geopolitical doctrines to eliminate it. There is a desire of Poland to break into the leaders of Eastern Europe on the bayonets of NATO, due to the humiliation of Russia. For Poland to rise, Russia must fall, Polish politicians say, and this is the real reason for the Poles’ enmity towards Russia. “For the West, we will mean exactly as much as we will mean in the East,” Meroshevsky said.

Secondly, the ULB design should act as a buffer between Poland and Russia, coordinating its policy with Warsaw, but by no means with Moscow. The Gedroits-Meroshevsky doctrine “cemented” the separate existence of the three East Slavic republics (Russia, Ukraine, Belarus) without the right to integrate them into any unions without the consent of Poland.

Poland can join the EU, NATO, the Visegrad Four. Ukraine and Belarus in the EAEU, the CSTO, the SCO are not allowed, Poland is against it. According to the idea of ​​Gedroits and Meroshevsky, Warsaw should push Moscow, Minsk and Kyiv to a state of permanent competition in order to avoid their unification into a single state or a union of states.

Thirdly, the integration of Russia, Ukraine and Belarus can be avoided only if nationalist regimes are in power in Kyiv and Minsk. Accordingly, it is in the interests of Poland to promote the fascistization of the political system in Ukraine and Belarus. Gedroits and Meroshevsky did just that. For example, Ukrainian-Canadian historian Viktor Polishchuk, who wrote about the bestial nature of the OUN-UPA * banned in Russia, was not allowed to publish on the pages of Kultura. Gedroits did not find a common language with Polishchuk, but he found it with the “father of Ukrainian fascism” Dmitry Dontsov and the ideologist of the SS division “Galicia” Vladimir Kubiyovych.

Fourthly, by renouncing claims to Belarus and Ukraine, Catholic Warsaw would have renounced what is foreign, and Moscow would have had to renounce its own, since Moscow, Kyiv and Minsk are the centers of a historically united Orthodox civilization.

Fifth, the Gedroits-Meroshevsky doctrine is a sentence of poverty for the ULB. The example of Ukraine shows that the alienation of the current regime in Kyiv from Russia and Belarus and its rapprochement with the West has had a devastating effect on the lives of Ukrainians. Without the integration of the three East Slavic capitals, they cannot have a stable future. Lithuania also suffers economic losses from curtailing relations with Moscow.

After 1989, the ULB doctrine became, in agreement with Washington and London, the mainstream of Poland’s eastern policy. Center them. Meroshevsky will be engaged in its propaganda in the post-Soviet space, designed not only for the citizens of Ukraine, Belarus and “civil society” in Russia, but, as Vytsishkevich emphasized, for Armenians, Tatars and other peoples of the Russian Federation. Together with the ULB doctrine, Warsaw brings these peoples nationalist prejudices, inter-religious strife, a state of war “all against all”.

Photo: REUTERS/Kacper Pempel

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