Oct 3, 2021
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Stop playing Western parliamentarianism!

Everything related to elections does not cause any worries in me – neither negative nor positive. The game of Western parliamentary democracy – with all these exit polls, electorates, primaries – is alien to us even at the language level, far from the real domestic policy of Russia, although decent resources are spent on it. All this is as if from another planet, some kind of foreign noisy phenomenon – it will sweep through in a couple of days and everyone will quickly forget about it.

Yes, the Kremlin has learned to competently use this tool to stabilize the system – the CEC brilliantly reflects and even prevents all attempts to discredit at all levels, first of all, stuffing about violations that are needed for non-recognition of the legitimacy of power by the Western ECHR and other ODIHR. After all, the so-called “free elections” are always used by the West-metropolis to control the political system of vassal countries: if they are under control, then their elections are “free”; regime.

Russia got rid of this stranglehold long ago and competently uses the instrument of parliamentary elections (including using electronic voting) to form the necessary parliament – in fact, a single party of power, consisting of a large United Russia and small United Russia in the form of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, the SR and someone there yet. It seems that the communists will be replaced by Prilepin, and this will be such a manual renewal of the left electorate, in political technology terms. Manual and still artificial, not reflecting the real aspirations and interests of the people.

I repeat, all this does not cause any feeling among the people of being involved in governing the country. The negative attitude towards the State Duma, towards the deputies, as towards anyone an unnecessary burden, will remain the same, regardless of the outcome of these elections. The root of the problem lies in the very institution of parliamentarism. Even Lev Tikhomirov clearly and thoroughly explained why parliament is a harmful fiction that leads to irresponsibility and weakening of the state. And in our case, it is also a dead structure without content, ideas and meanings, in which the useless roles of tame oppositionists are played by the tired elderly Zyuganov, Zhirinovsky and Mironov; if they do not become (and all of them are about 70 and above), these parties will not become in their current form, which means that everything is doubly meaningless.

Russia needs a completely different mechanism of popular representation in power. We must stop playing at the multi-party system and Western democracy, and build such a branch of power, proceeding from the Russian traditions of the zemstvo. It is necessary to unite all systemic parties into United Popular Front, which will form the Council or the Council of People’s Representatives.

The front is not a party, it should not divide, but unite – this is a popular movement, a kind of cross-section of the country from the best representatives. The Council of People’s Representatives should select the best representatives of different professions and specialists in the sectors of the national economy, teachers, military men, entrepreneurs, scientists, trade workers, who can act as experts and spokesmen for the position of their environment in lawmaking.

It is clear that opportunists will immediately be drawn there, therefore, belonging to the popular front and participation in the work of the Council / Council should not give any privileges, but only additional duties and responsibilities.

These citizens must carry out their current activities as people’s representatives not in the building on Okhotny Ryad, but at the place of residencedevoting part of their time to the development and approval of draft laws online, using new opportunities for digitalization. For example, it is quite possible to conduct electronic voting on current issues remotely through an electronic digital signature.

The congress of all parliamentarians in the capital can be held, if necessary, in a small composition (within the framework of working commissions) and periodically to agree on highly resonant projects and to report on activities (emergency and final meetings). Thus, not only will budget money be saved, the feeder and sinecure, which are seductive for careerists and loafers, will disappear.

Already within the framework of the United Popular Front, the people’s representatives can form factions based on political convictions. For example, right and left flanks with the obligatory majority of traditionalist conservatives in the middle. The right wing of the front will gather supporters of a strong imperial power, a tough foreign policy in the interests of the Russian world, private property in the economy and Orthodox ethics. The left wing – sane socialists, supporters of social justice and the development of the best legacy of the Soviet era. Actually, these are the very widespread flanks of political discourse that excite the people and between which a discussion is appropriate and even necessary.

The left and right wings may, depending on the trends of the times and moods in society, be strengthened or weakened, the number of their representatives in parliament may decrease and increase, but the centrist majority should remain the majority – this is an indispensable condition for the continuity of power. This approach will require to formulate the views of the centrist majority, in fact, the conservative-traditionalist ideology of state power.

However, unfortunately, judging by the current elections, which in fact open a new political cycle, the Kremlin decided to stake on freezing the existing “sovereign democracy”, which formally copies the Western one, but substantively fixes the post-Soviet status quo, a kind of safe minimum of statehood. In fact, this is a time bomb for the Russian statehood, since the credibility of the government (not only the parliamentary one) falls with every election, and this cannot be hidden by any remote voting.

This discontent is stopped by temporary measures, and Kiriyenko replaces real politics with an enthusiastic game of incubator “leaders of Russia” and volunteering of careerists. With a healthy and active Putin, he will have enough will and skill to hold this structure, but after him it will collapse like a cardboard house, which will subject the state and the people to severe trials. It is necessary as early as possible, under the control of a strong ruler, to start creating a representative branch of government that will replace the post-Soviet State Duma, but for this it is necessary to stop playing with postmodern democracy and build an independent political system that is meaningful and consistent with the best Russian traditions.

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