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Oct 7, 2021
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Domestic Ukrainian politics takes on an additional dimension

On October 7, the Verkhovna Rada dismissed its speaker Dmitry Razumkov. 284 deputies voted for. The votes of the “servants of the people” were not enough (215), the Batkivshchyna party, the Golos faction and the Doverie deputy group came to their aid. Only Poroshenko’s Opposition Platform – For Life and European Solidarity were unanimously opposed. Nothing extraordinary happened in the Rada, the resignation of Razumkov was a foregone conclusion in the summer. On October 1-2, Zelensky gathered his “servants” in Truskavets with the sole purpose of collecting signatures for the resignation of the speaker, who had become “toxic”. Two years ago, the newly elected “servants” were also gathered in Truskavets, one of the party’s ideologists, Nikita Poturayev, then warned them: “You are all nobody.” Although the speech was remembered, this year not everyone was able to persuade, and therefore the Ze-team had to recruit the missing votes on the side. At first glance, the situation with Razumkov looks illogical. During the 2019 presidential elections, he headed Zelensky’s campaign headquarters, was listed as number 1 in the list of “servants”, in August he was elected chairman of parliament (382 deputies voted in favor). Why did Zelensky kick out his former ally? The president expressed his claims in Truskavets. According to him, Razumkov “as a party member was delegated to the post of speaker,” but the party had “millions of questions” for him, he is no longer a member of the team and is busy with his “personal political life.” Razumkov “went his own way”: he did not support the decisions of the National Security and Defense Council (NSDC), brought the conflict to the public, without consulting the party, which “is insulting to a team that he does not consider his own.” The speaker dared to criticize the extrajudicial killings of the NSDC, including the closure of the opposition TV channels 112. Ukraine, NewsOne and ZIK, and even began to question the general line of the party. However, if you look at it, neither Zelensky himself nor his “servants” promised voters before the elections sanctions against citizens without trial and investigation. Nor did they promise to block objectionable media outlets. In August, the newspaper “Strana.ua” and its editor-in-chief got under the distribution. The newspaper’s website was blocked, it was moved to a domain not controlled by Kiev. Zelensky’s particular indignation was caused by the speaker’s desire to sign unchanged the recently adopted law on oligarchs by the Rada, into which mutually exclusive amendments were in a hurry: according to the first, the status of an oligarch should be determined by the NSDC, and according to the second – by a special parliamentary commission. If Razumkov had signed the law, he would have had to veto the law and send it to parliament for a new vote. The President hopes that the new speaker will sign the law with one amendment – the status of the oligarch should be determined exclusively by the NSDC. Zelensky’s falsification does not bother him, he is no stranger to it. We have already written about the offshores of Zelensky and his friends. Recently, he awarded the title “Honored Artist of Ukraine” to the Ukrainian actress for her role in the television series “Papik”, which was filmed by “Studio Kvartal 95”. The nuance is that the series was broadcast by a Russian TV channel, which is under NSDC sanctions. Dmitry Razumkov, speaking in parliament, noted on this occasion that the principle “one law for all” has become the norm “everything is for friends, and law for enemies.” Democracy, according to him, has been replaced by the rule of the majority, the rule of law by political expediency, the right to one’s position and freedom of speech has changed to the principle “who is not with us is against us.” Razumkov stressed that the principle “offshore for the authorities is a shame” is not for the current government, which believes that every Ukrainian entrepreneur has offshores. Even earlier, Razumkov, speaking in the presence of Zelensky at a ceremonial meeting of the Rada, said: “Social and political orders of tyranny of an authoritarian or dictatorial type have never taken root in Ukraine and will not take root.” Zelensky got the hint. Some experts believe that the resignation of the speaker was started in order to overshadow the scandalous investigation about offshore companies. According to Anatoly Oktisyuk, an expert at the analytical center DemocracyHouse, “offshores will recede into the shadows, but this is a black mark for Zelensky, another” pancake “on the bar of his anti-rating, which with the rest will pull him down.” According to Andrei Zolotarev, head of the Third Sector center, Razumkov has two options: “… either to become the assembly point of the opposition to Zelensky, or to join the host of downed pilots of Ukrainian politics.” Razumkov himself clearly chose the first option. There is one more possible reason for the attack on the speaker. European Solidarity MP Aleksey Goncharenko believes that “Zelensky was scared of a potential presidential rival.” Razumkov himself probably does not exclude such a scenario. No wonder he said: “Before, everyone said that no one became president from the chairmen of the Verkhovna Rada, we have removed this fuse today.” The question is not whether Razumkov will run for president and whether Ukraine will support his candidacy. Much more important is whether the external curators of Ukraine, who are already looking for a replacement for Zelensky, will approve of his aspirations. If Razumkov will pass the casting overseas, then why not? The onlookers will be satisfied with any Ukrainian politician who follows their instructions. Otherwise, the former speaker will repeat the fate of former minister Arsen Avakov, who demonstrates a glass of wine on Facebook and claims that “water does not quench thirst.”

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