Jan 26, 2021
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Attention, attention, Germany is coming to us

Gennady Zhivotov. “Identified flying object”

The plane with Navalny took off from Germany. A thousand-strong crowd was waiting for his landing at Vnukovo. Journalists sharpened their tongues, arguing what the greatness of Navalny. Political scientists wondered how his arrival in Russia would respond in Russian and world fate. At Vnukovo there were crowds of greeters, policemen and paddy wagons. Someone was detained. Someone was pushed aside. The light board fooled the waiting to the last, promising the arrival of the plane. The plane in front of Vnukovo turned around and left for Sheremetyevo. He sat down there, and Navalny was detained right there, at the exit from passport control. Now countless confusion will begin and have already begun. The liberal media got food for many weeks to come. The world media come out with portraits of Navalny, with photographs of the plane, with a snapshot of a poster on which some sullen joker wrote: “Russia received German planes in 1941, we will accept them in 1921.”

But if you are not a meticulous journalist, if not a drug addict who injects and injects a syringe of “Echo of Moscow” into his vein, what to talk about? What to edify? What essences to extract from what happened?

Two huge political machines collided. One of them, tentatively named “Navalny”, rammed another one, conventionally called “the Russian state.” These cars collided. They did not slip their sides, but hit them head-on, like planes going into a frontal attack. And nobody can turn them back. This is a powerful act of the hybrid war that the world is waging against Russia. The act is more sophisticated and powerful than all the previous ones.

What is the political machine called “Navalny”? To what huge mysterious mechanism did he give his name? How did he turn from a man into a colossal mechanism, behind which are hardened Western analysts, special services, financial structures, grandiose media corporations, leaders of Western countries, the public opinion of these countries, as well as the tools that allow Navalny’s strategic offensive to develop?

Navalny made a gap in the Russian border, and huge forces poured into this gap. The question of the device of this mega-machine remains open. There is little idle talk here, this is a problem of deep analysis, perspicacity, judgments of such a giant as Alexander Zinoviev.

And what is a political machine called “the Russian state”? This is also an open question. The contours of this machine are not clear. In this car there are many components, many echelons, floors. The West is present in this machine as a powerful part of liberal intellectuals, liberal intelligentsia, as well as a huge cohort of Russian officials, for whom the West has become a second homeland, where their coveted views are directed, where they built their palaces, assigned children to schools and dream of legalizing themselves in the West. which is impossible under the current Putin regime.

The study of this Russian state mega-machine is within the power of intellectuals with closed sources in the security system, in the Kremlin administration, in the political establishment. Through them, many lines of force come into Putin’s Kremlin cabinet, intertwining into a complex bundle through which impulses travel, sometimes destroying each other.

Of course, Navalny’s return is not a fatal blow to Russia. The stock of the Russian state is huge and durable. The ulcers that corrode our state: such as theft, bribery, deep dislike and disregard for the country on the part of those in power – all these ulcers have yet to develop, to discover new sources of decay.

How does the Kremlin defend itself against this hybrid war, whose name is Navalny? Power components? Yes. By paddy wagons and national guards? Of course. Laws restricting the Internet? For God’s sake, especially against the background of continuously operating day and night liberal radio stations and television channels. But these defensive structures are few. Hybrid war is determined by the fact that it operates in addition to passport control or customs barriers. The authorities should intercept Navalny’s initiative and not give him the monopoly to expose embezzlement, fraud and bribery. The authorities can start the long-awaited by the society project “Purification”, when it itself, no matter how difficult it may be, begins to improve its body. Then the revelations of Navalny and the economic and political sanctions of America and Europe that follow them will become inactive.

Navalny needs to be hugged, smoothed, stroked on his fair-haired head and accepted into the United Russia party, placing him not in the first rows, but somewhere inland, in the gallery, from where he will see, though not all of Russia, but United “exactly.

Alexander Prokhanov

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